CFG’s Lawrence Feiner discusses current Israeli elections in a global as well as local context for TV show hosted by Harold Channer
AUGUST 2013 FOOTNOTE TO THIS VIDEO BY CFG’S LAWRENCE FEINER:
The Israeli Election and the Two State Solution
For some reason, my video on the Israeli election and the two-state solution was truncated. This update is a brief description of what was in the video.
Even though the newly elected Israeli government is more moderate (61 rightist Knesset members, 59 centrist and leftist Knesset members) than the previous Israeli government, there are three major impediments to a two-state solution. (1) West Bank Jewish settlers, (2) Jerusalem, (3) The right of the Palestinian refugees of the ’48 war to return to their homes in Israel.
There are currently 513,000 Jewish settlers in the West Bank. It is difficult to imagine Israel withdrawing them or allowing them to live under Palestinian control. In 1989, when there were far fewer settlers than there are today, the noted Israeli political scientist, Meron Benvenisti, maintained that there were too many settlers to make a Palestinian state viable, and that, therefore, the only solution to the conflict, which wasn’t an apartheid Bantustan, was a binational, democratic state where Jews and Arabs had equal rights.
In 1983, the PLO rep to Lebanon, Shafiq Al-Hout gave a Q and A at the UN Church Center. He was asked whether a viable Palestinian state was possible. He answered “Well you know. It’s a dream I share with my dog at the fireplace”.
As far as Jerusalem is concerned, during the Camp David negotiations in 2000, even a leftist like Shimon Peres would not agree to a divided Jerusalem.
During the Camp David negotiations, the main obstacle to a settlement, was the Palestinian inability to drop the right of return. The Israelis wanted the Palestinians to drop the right of return as a precondition for a settlement, and the Israelis also a wanted to postpone Jerusalem to a later date. The Palestinians, on the other hand, wanted to postpone the right of return, (the Arabs was getting tired of supporting the right of return) and negotiate Jerusalem (for which the Palestinians had the support of the entire Muslim world).
It must be pointed out that the right of return (which the Israeli agreed to in order to get UN membership) is an individual right which Arafat maintained could not be negotiated away. Also, the refugee issue is a regional issue, involving all the states where the refugees reside, and a two-sided negotiation is not really the appropriate venue.
Given all this, it is hard to imagine a two-state solution which isn’t a Bantustan in disguise.
To sum up my video was rather pessimistic about the prospects for a viable two-state solution.
However, there are some hopeful signs as regards American Jewish attitudes towards Israeli intransigence. Recently the New York Post had an editorial debunking the peace negotiations. All the letters to the editor regarding the editorial were from Jewish people who supported a two-state solution and blasted the Post editorial. Also, on the 22 of August a right-wing orthodox synagogue in New York invited the noted critic of Israel, Peter Beinart, to give a talk.
So maybe there is some hope.
addendum: the Israeli election video is no longer truncated
Published on Mar 15, 2013
Lawrence Feiner CFG Co-Founder
I was born in 1942 in the Bronx. I graduated from ps95 in 1956. I graduated from the Bronx H.S. of Science in 1960.
I got my b.s. in math in 1964 from MIT. I got my Phd in math in 1967 from MIT. The title of my thesis was “the strong homogeneity conjecture”. It was about math problems that can be generated by a computer but cannot be solved by computer. From 1967 to 1974 I taught math at Stony Brook and Brooklyn College.
From 1974 to 1979 I worked in computers.
From 1979 to 2003 I worked as an economic consultant specializing in economic forecasts.
After 2003 I retired and am now retired.
Published on Mar. 2, 2012 by Harold Channer TV Show NYC
The Reagan Revolution and the Developing Countries (1980-1990) A Seminal Decade For Predicting The World Economic Future: together with a long term … for predicting the world economic future
by Lawrence Feiner and Richard Melson
Publisher: iUniverse (November 28, 2011)
The second Palestinian uprising and the
Israeli invasion of Lebanon: a cfg perspective
Cambridge Forecast Group (CFG)
Lawrence Feiner 05-12-12
Published on May 12, 2012 by zoiladejesus27
Cambridge Forecast Group (CFG)
MIDDLE EAST & WORLD:
Cairo Conference of March 1921
The Cairo Conference was convened by Winston Churchill, then Britain’s colonial secretary.
With the mandates of Palestine and Iraq awarded to Britain at the San Remo Conference (1920), Churchill wished to consult with Middle East experts, and at his request, Gertrude Bell, Sir Percy Cox, T. E. Lawrence, Sir Kinahan Cornwallis, Sir Arnold T. Wilson, Iraqi minister of war Ja’far alAskari, Iraqi minister of finance Sasun Effendi (Sasson Heskayl), and others gathered in Cairo, Egypt, in March 1921. The two most significant decisions of the conference were to offer the throne of Iraq to Amir Faisal ibn Hussein (who became Faisal I) and the emirate of Transjordan (now Jordan) to his brother Abdullah I ibn Hussein. Furthermore, the British garrison in Iraq would be substantially reduced and replaced by air force squadrons, with a major base at Habbaniyya. The conference provided the political blueprint for British administration in both Iraq and Transjordan, and in offering these two regions to the Hashemite sons of Sharif Husayn ibn Ali of the Hijaz, Churchill believed that the spirit, if not the letter, of Britain’s wartime promises to the Arabs would be fulfilled.
Fromkin, David. A Peace to End All Peace. New York: H. Holt, 1989.
Klieman, Aaron S. Foundations of British Policy in the Arab World: The Cairo Conference of 1921. London: Johns Hopkins, 1970.
At the Cairo Conference of March 1921, the British set the parameters for Iraqi political life that were to continue until the 1958 revolution; they chose a Hashemite, Faisal ibn Husayn, son of Sherif Hussein ibn Ali former Sharif of Mecca as Iraq’s first King; they established an Iraqi army (but kept Assyrian Levies under direct British command); and they proposed a new treaty. To confirm Faisal as Iraq’s first monarch, a one-question plebiscite was carefully arranged that had a return of 96 percent in his favor. The British saw in Faisal a leader who possessed sufficient nationalist and Islamic credentials to have broad appeal, but who also was vulnerable enough to remain dependent on their support. Faisal traced his descent from the family of the Prophet Muhammad. His ancestors held political authority in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina since the tenth century. The British believed these credentials would satisfy traditional Arab standards of political legitimacy; moreover, the British thought Faisal would be accepted by the growing Iraqi nationalist movement because of his role in the 1916 Arab Revolt against the Turks, his achievements as a leader of the Arab emancipation movement, and his general leadership qualities. Faisal was instated as the Monarch of Iraq after the Naquib of Baghdad was disqualified as being too old (80 yrs) and Sayid Talib (a prominent Iraqi from the province of Basra) was deported on trumped up charges by the British. The voting was far from a reflection of the true feelings of the Iraqi people. Nevertheless, Faisal was considered the most effective choice for the throne by the British government.
The final major decision taken at the Cairo Conference related to the new Anglo-Iraqi Treaty of 1922. Faisal was under pressure from the nationalists and the anti-British mujtahids of Najaf and Karbala to limit both British influence in Iraq and the duration of the treaty. Recognizing that the monarchy depended on British support— and wishing to avoid a repetition of his experience in Syria — Faisal maintained a moderate approach in dealing with Britain. The treaty which had been originally set as a twenty year engagement but later reduced to 4 years, was ratified in June 1924, stated that the king would heed British advice on all matters affecting British interests and on fiscal policy as long as Iraq had a balance of payments deficit with Britain, and that British officials would be appointed to specified posts in eighteen departments to act as advisers and inspectors. A subsequent financial agreement, which significantly increased the financial burden on Iraq, required Iraq to pay half the cost of supporting British resident officials, among other expenses. British obligations under the new treaty included providing various kinds of aid, notably military assistance, and proposing Iraq for membership in the League of Nations at the earliest moment. In effect, the treaty ensured that Iraq would remain politically and economically dependent on Britain. While unable to prevent the treaty, Faisal clearly felt that the British had gone back on their promises to him.
The British decision at the Cairo Conference to establish an indigenous Iraqi army was significant. In Iraq, as in most of the developing world, the military establishment has been the best organized institution in an otherwise weak political system. Thus, while Iraq’s body politic crumbled under immense political and economic pressure throughout the monarchic period, the military gained increasing power and influence; moreover, because the officers in the new army were by necessity Sunnis who had served under the Ottomans, while the lower ranks were predominantly filled by Shia tribal elements, Sunni dominance in the military was preserved.
Before the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the British-controlled Turkish Petroleum Company (TPC) had held concessionary rights to the Mosul wilaya (province). Under the 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement — an agreement in 1916 between Britain and France that delineated future control of the Middle East — the area would have fallen under French influence. In 1919, however, the French relinquished their claims to Mosul under the terms of the Long-Berenger Agreement. The 1919 agreement granted the French a 25 percent share in the TPC as compensation.
Beginning in 1923, British and Iraqi negotiators held acrimonious discussions over the new oil concession. The major obstacle was Iraq’s insistence on a 20 percent equity participation in the company; this figure had been included in the original TPC concession to the Turks and had been agreed upon at San Remo for the Iraqis. In the end, despite strong nationalist sentiments against the concession agreement, the Iraqi negotiators acquiesced to it. The League of Nations was soon to vote on the disposition of Mosul, and the Iraqis feared that, without British support, Iraq would lose the area to Turkey. In March 1925, an agreement was concluded that contained none of the Iraqi demands. The TPC, now renamed the Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC), was granted a full and complete concession for a period of seventy-five years.
Later years of the mandate
With the signing of the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty and the settling of the Mosul question, Iraqi politics took on a new dynamic. The emerging class of Sunni and Shia landowning tribal sheikhs vied for positions of power with wealthy and prestigious urban-based Sunni families and with Ottoman-trained army officers and bureaucrats. Because Iraq’s newly established political institutions were the creation of a foreign power, and because the concept of democratic government had no precedent in Iraqi history, the politicians in Baghdad lacked legitimacy and never developed deeply rooted constituencies. Thus, despite a constitution and an elected assembly, Iraqi politics was more a shifting alliance of important personalities and cliques than a democracy in the Western sense. The absence of broadly based political institutions inhibited the early nationalist movement’s ability to make deep inroads into Iraq’s diverse social structure.
The new Anglo-Iraqi Treaty was signed in June 1930. It provided for a “close alliance,” for “full and frank consultations between the two countries in all matters of foreign policy,” and for mutual assistance in case of war. Iraq granted the British the use of air bases near Basra and at Al Habbaniyah and the right to move troops across the country. The treaty, of twenty-five years’ duration, was to come into force upon Iraq’s admission to the League of Nations. This occurred on October 3, 1932.
British High Commissioners to the Kingdom of Iraq
- 1920 – 1923 Sir Percy Zachariah Cox
- 1923 – 1928 Sir Henry Robert Conway Dobbs
- 1928 – 1929 Sir Gilbert Falkingham Clayton
- 1929 – 1932 Sir Francis Henry Humphrys
- Barker, A. J. The First Iraq War, 1914-1918: Britain’s Mesopotamian Campaign (New York: Enigma Books, 2009). ISBN 978-1-929631-86-5
- Eskander, Saad. “Southern Kurdistan under Britain’s Mesopotamian Mandate: From Separation to Incorporation, 1920–23,” Middle Eastern Studies 37, no. 2 (2001)
- Fieldhouse, David K. Western Imperialism in the Middle East, 1914–1958 (2006)* Fisk, Robert. The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East, (2nd ed. 2006),
- Jacobsen, Mark. “‘Only by the Sword’: British Counter‐insurgency in Iraq,” Small Wars and Insurgencies 2, no. 2 (1991): 323–63.
- Simons, Geoff. Iraq: From Sumer to Saddam (2nd ed. 1994)
- Sluglett, Peter. Britain in Iraq: Contriving King and Country, 1914–1932 (2nd ed. 2007)
- Vinogradov, Amal. “The 1920 Revolt in Iraq Reconsidered: The Role of Tribes in National Politics,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 3, no. 2 (1972): 123–39
1. R. M. Douglas, “Did Britain Use Chemical Weapons in Mandatory Iraq?” Journal of Modern History Dec. 2009, Vol. 81, No. 4: 859-887. online concludes “no”–that no chemical weapons or gas was actually used.
The Poetry of Arab Revolt
“Dive into the sea, or stay away”
– Nizar Qabbani
Nizar Tawfiq Qabbani (21 March 1923 – 30 April 1998)
Assassin’s Gate, George Packer’s book about his time in occupied Iraq has this epigraph:
Dive into the sea, or stay away.
– Nizar Qabbani
Andrew Bacevich found this noteworthy:
As the epigraph for his new book on the politics of America’s intervention in Iraq, George Packer has chosen a verse by the Arab nationalist poet Nizar Qabbani: “Dive into the sea, or stay away.” The poet’s charge aptly captures the thesis of “The Assassins’ Gate”: a great enterprise requires unequivocal commitment; to act halfheartedly is worse than not acting at all.
|Born||March 21, 1923(1923-03-21)
|Died||April 30, 1998(1998-04-30) (aged 75)
|Occupation||diplomat, poet, writer, publisher|
Nizar Tawfiq Qabbani (21 March 1923 – 30 April 1998) was a Syrian diplomat, poet and publisher. His poetic style combines simplicity and elegance in exploring themes of love, eroticism, feminism, religion, and Arab nationalism. He is one of the most revered contemporary poets in the Arab world.
Qabbani as a youth.
Nizar Qabbani was born in the Syrian capital of Damascus to a middle class merchant family. Qabbani was raised in Mi’thnah Al-Shahm, one of the neighborhoods of Old Damascus. Qabbani studied at the national Scientific College School in Damascus between 1930 and 1941. The school was owned and run by his father’s friend, Ahmad Munif al-Aidi. He later studied law at the Damascus University, which was called Syrian University until 1958. He graduated with a bachelor’s degree in law in 1945.
While a student in college he wrote his first collection of poems entitled The Brunette Told Me. It was a collection of romantic verses that made several startling references to a woman’s body, sending shock waves throughout the conservative society in Damascus. To make it more acceptable, Qabbani showed it to Munir al-Ajlani, the minister of education who was also a friend of his father and a leading nationalist leader in Syria. Ajlani liked the poems and endorsed them by writing the preface for Nizar’s first book.
Qabbani as a law student in Damascus, 1944.
After graduating from law school, Qabbani worked for the Syrian Foreign Ministry, serving as Consul or cultural attaché in several capital cities, including Beirut, Cairo, Istanbul, Madrid, and London. In 1959, when the United Arab Republic was formed, Qabbani was appointed Vice-Secretary of the UAR for its embassies in China. He wrote extensively during these years and his poems from China were some of his finest. He continued to work in the diplomatic field until he tendered his resignation in 1966. By that time, he had established a publishing house in Beirut, which carried his name.
When Qabbani was 15, his sister, who was 25 at the time, committed suicide because she refused to marry a man she did not love. During her funeral he decided to fight the social conditions he saw as causing her death. When asked whether he was a revolutionary, the poet answered: “Love in the Arab world is like a prisoner, and I want to set (it) free. I want to free the Arab soul, sense and body with my poetry. The relationships between men and women in our society are not healthy.” He is known as one of the most feminist and progressive intellectuals of his time.
The city of Damascus remained a powerful muse in his poetry, most notably in the Jasmine Scent of Damascus. The 1967 Arab defeat also influenced his poetry and his lament for the Arab cause. The defeat marked a qualitative shift in Qabbani’s work – from erotic love poems to poems with overt political themes of rejectionism and resistance. For instance, his poem Marginal Notes on the Book of Defeat, a stinging self-criticism of Arab inferiority, drew anger from both the right and left sides of the Arab political dialogue.
Qabbani, his family, his parents and brothers.
Nizar Qabbani had one sister, Wisal; he also had three brothers: Mu’taz, Rashid, and Sabah. The latter, Sabah Qabbani, was the most famous after Nizar, becoming director of Syrian radio and TV in 1960 and Syria’s ambassador to the United States in the 1980s.
Nizar Qabbani’s father, Tawfiq Qabbani, was Syrian while his mother was of Turkish descent. His father had a chocolate factory; he also helped support fighters resisting the French mandate of Syria and was imprisoned many times for his views, greatly affecting the upbringing of Nizar into a revolutionary in his own right. Qabbani’s great uncle, Abu Khalil Qabbani, was one of the leading innovators in Arab dramatic literature.
Nizar Qabbani was married twice in his life. His first wife was his cousin Zahra Aqbiq; together they had a daughter, Hadba, and a son, Tawfiq. Tawfiq died due to a heart attack when he was 22 years old when he was in London. Qabbani eulogized his son in the famous poem To the Legendary Damascene, Prince Tawfiq Qabbani. Zahra Aqbiq died in 2007. His daughter [Hadba], born in 1947, was married twice, and lived in London until her death in April 2009.
His second marriage was to an Iraqi woman named Balqis al-Rawi, a schoolteacher whom he met at a poetry recital in Baghdad; she was killed in a bomb attack by guerrillas on the [Iraqi embassy] in Beirut during the Lebanese civil war on 15 December 1981. Her death had a severe psychological effect on Qabbani; he expressed his grief in his famous poem Balqis, blaming the entire Arab world for her death. Together they had a son, Omar, and a daughter, Zainab. After the death of Balqis, Qabbani did not marry again.
Late life and death
After the death of Balqis, Qabbani left Beirut. He was moving between Geneva and Paris, eventually settling in London, where he spent the last 15 years of his life. Qabbani continued to write poems and raise controversies and arguments. Notable controversial poems from this period in his life include When Will They Announce the Death of Arabs? and Runners.
In 1997, Nizar Qabbani suffered from poor health and briefly recovered from his sickness in late 1997. A few months later, at the age of 75, Nizar Qabbani died in London on April 30, 1998 of a heart attack. In his will, which he wrote in his hospital bed in London, Nizar Qabbani wrote that he wished to be buried in Damascus, which he described in his will as “the womb that taught me poetry, taught me creativity and granted me the alphabet of Jasmine.” Nizar Qabbani was buried in Damascus four days later in Bab Saghir. Qabbani was mourned by Arabs all over the world, with news broadcasts highlighting his illustrious literary career.
Qabbani began writing poetry when he was 16 years old; at his own expense, Qabbani published his first book of poems, entitled The Brunette Told Me, while he was a law student at the University of Damascus in 1944.
Over the course of a half-century, Qabbani wrote 34 other books of poetry, including:
- Childhood of a Breast (1948)
- Samba (1949)
- You Are Mine (1950)
- Poems (1956)
- My Beloved (1961)
- Drawing with Words (1966)
- Diary of an Indifferent Woman (1968)
- Savage Poems (1970)
- Book of Love (1970)
- 100 Love Letters (1970)
- Poems Against The Law (1972)
- I Love You, and the Rest is to Come (1978)
- To Beirut the Feminine, With My Love (1978)
- May You Be My Love For Another Year (1978)
- I Testify That There Is No Woman But You (1979)
- Secret Diaries of Baheyya the Egyptian (1979)
- I Write the History of Woman Like So (1981)
- The Lover’s Dictionary (1981)
- A Poem For Balqis (1982)
- Love Does Not Stop at Red Lights (1985)
- Insane Poems (1985)
- Poems Inciting Anger (1986)
- Love shall Remain, Sir (1987)
- Three Stone-throwing Children (1988)
- Secret Papers of a Karmathian Lover (1988)
- Biography of an Arab Executioner (1988)
- I Married You,Liberty! (1988)
- A Match in My Hand , And Your Petty Paper Nations (1989)
- No Victor Other Than Love (1989)
- Do You Hear the Cry of My Sadness? (1991)
- Marginal Notes on the Book of Defeat (1991)
- I’m One Man and You are a Tribe of Women (1992)
- Fifty Years of Praising Women (1994)
- Nizarian Variations of Arabic Maqam of Love (1995)
He also composed many works of prose, such as My Story with Poetry, What Poetry Is , and Words Know Anger ا, On Poetry, Sex, and Revolution, Poetry is a Green Lantern, Birds doesn’t Require a Visa, I Played Perfectly and Here are my Keys and The Woman in My Poetry and My Life, as well as one play named Republic of Madness Previously Lebanon and lyrics of many famous songs of celebrated Arab singers, including:
- Mohammed Abdel Wahab
- Abdel Halim Hafez
- Kathem Al Saher
- Khalid Al Shy’kh
- Umm Kulthum
- Majida El Roumi
- On Entering the Sea (1998)
- Arabian Love Poems (1998) translated by Bassam Frangieh and Clementina R. Brown
- Republic of Love (2002) translated by Nayef al-Kalali
1. a b “Qabbani, Nizar”. Encyclopedia Britannica Online. http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9099031/Nizar-Qabbani. Retrieved 2007-06-23.
6. “Qabbani Recovered from Sickness, Gratitude Message to Syrians”. Arabic News. 1997-12-15. http://www.arabicnews.com/ansub/Daily/Day/971215/1997121521.html. Retrieved 2007-06-23.
Professor of Economics
Professor of Economics, Faculty of Economics,
Mailing Address: Elbourg Bldg., Namoozag 19, Apt 77B, Midan Elgazayer, New Maadi 11742, Cairo, Egypt.
Phone, Home: +202-25164658
Cell phone: +2-0106510809
Ph.D. (Economics), McMaster University, Canada, 1974.
M.A. (Economics), University of British Columbia, Canada, 1970.
B.Sc. (Economics, distinction), Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University, 1964.
Professor, Dept. of Economics, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University, 1985 to present.
Deputy Leader, World Bank Core Planning Team- Kuwait, 1979-1981.
State Prize for Achievement in Social Sciences (Economics), 2005.
Fulbright Visiting Research Scholarship, 2002/2003.
Fulbright Visiting Research Scholarship, 1988/1989.
Research Award in Economics, Cairo University 1985.
Globalization and financial crises. WTO discipline and the prospects of industrializaion in developing economies, with emphasis on Egypt and other Arab countries. Pro-poor macropolicies. MDG-based debt sustainability analysis. Democracy and Development.
A- Team Leader/Principal Investigator:
UNDP research project on Macroeconomics for Poverty Reduction- case of the Sudan, 2003-04
Research project on Industrialization in Egypt, Egypt 2020 Project, Third World Forum, Middle East Office, Cairo, 1999-2001.
Research project on Investment Incentives and Manufacturing Industry, Egyptian Ministry of Industry and Mineral Wealth, 1996-97.
Research project on Structural Adjustment and Industrialization in Egypt, sponsored by Fondazione Eni Enrico Mattei (FEEM), 1994-1995.
Research project on Arab Futures at the Center for Arab Unity Studies, Cairo, 1984-1985 (Coordinator).
Research project on the Political Economy of Income Distribution in Egypt sponsored by Princeton University, Oct. 1977- April 1979 (with Robert Tignor).
B- Team Member:
IDRC-funded research project on Democracy and Development in the Arab World, 2006-07.
Research project network on Arab Alternative Futures, UNU and Third World Forum, 1986-87.
Research project on Stabilization and Adjustment Programmes and Policies (SAPP),sponsored by the UNU/World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER), Helsinki, 1985-6.
Research team on Petroleum and Natural Gas at the Development Research and Technological Planning Center (DRTPC) Cairo University, 1984-1986.
Research group at the Industrial Development Center for the Arab States (IDCAS) on a Basic Needs Strategy for Development in the Arab countries, Feb. 1978- Oct. 1978.
The Cairo University-MIT joint research project on Planning Techniques in Egypt, April 1977- Sept. 1979.
The Arab Long Range Planning Group, Institute of National Planning, Cairo, 1976-1977.
Research Group on the Use of Petromoney at the Institute of Arabic Studies and Research, Cairo, 1976.
Research team on Demographic Projection and Analysis, The American University in Cairo, 1975.
`Research team that conducted a study for the United Nations on industrialization in the Arab Countries, 1965-66.
Model Building Group, Institute of National Planning, Cairo, 1965-1968.
Consultant to UNDP-DESA for MDG-based Debt Sustainability Analysis.
Consultant to the UNDP as international expert to help in formulating the Sixth Five-Year Plan (2006-2010) for the Arab Republic of Syria, September-October, 2005.
Consultant to the UNDP on “Macroeconomics for Poverty Reduction: the case of Sudan”, 2003-2004.
Consultant to the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) for the Economic Report for Africa 2003; and member UNECA work Review Expert Panel, 2004.
Consultant to the European Union, Economic Policy Programme, on “Trade Relations of Palestine with the Arab Countries,” March-June 1997.
Consultant to The International Development Research Center (IDRC) on Impact Assessment of IDRC-Financed Research Projects in Egypt, April-July 1997; and the Evaluation of Electricity-Transmission Training Project, March-May 1996.
Consultant to the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), on developing appropriate performance criteria for state owned nterprises in Anglo-phone African countries, September 1994.
Consultant to The Population Council, Regional Office for West Asia and North Africa, January 1993- May 1994.
Consultant to the Energy Planning Agency, Government of Egypt, November 1992- March 1993.
Consultant to the UN Economic and Social Commission for West Asia (ESCWA) as a member of the Expert Group to examine and help finalize Programme 34: Regional Co-operation for Development in West Asia, October 1991- February 1992.
Consultant to Dar Al-Handassa Consultants (Shair and Partners), Cairo, 1989-1990.
Consultant to the UN Economic and Social Commission for West Asia (ESCWA) to prepare alternative estimates of the poverty line for Bahraini households, based on the 1983/84 Household Income and Expenditure Survey for Bahrain, February- July 1987.
Adviser to The Research Department of the National Bank of Egypt, 1981-84.
Consultant to The Ministry of Economy and Economic Co-operation, Government of Egypt, 1975-76.
Consultant to The Council of Arab Economic Unity, 1974-75.
The University of Southern California (USC), Fulbright Senior Scholar and Visiting Professor in the Department of Economics, 2002/2003. Taught Economic Development of the Middle East.
University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), Fellow of the Center for Near Eastern Studies and Visiting Professor in the Department of Economics, 1995. Taught International Trade Theory.
Johns Hopkins University, School of Advanced International Studies(SAIS), Senior Fulbright Visiting Scholar, 1988/89.
The Diplomatic Institute, Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Economy of Egypt in a Regional and International Setting, 1985-87, 1990-92.
The American University in Cairo, 1976-77 and 1981-84. Taught Economic Theory, Economic Development, and the Economy of Egypt.
Cairo University, 1975- present. teachiung: Econometrics, International Economics, Money and Banking, the Political Economy of the Arab Countries, the Political Economy of Egypt and the Middle East, and Project Evaluation.
McMaster University, lecturer, 1970-74. Taught Introduction to Economics, and Economic Theory- macro and micro.
Cairo University, teaching assistant, 1964-68.
PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATION AND OTHER EXPERIENCE:
Member of the UNDP PRN Sub-Group Globalization, 2005.
Member of the Societé Egyptienne d’Economie Politique, de Statistique et de Legislation, 1975 to present.
Member of the Arab Society for Economic Research, 1988 to present.
Member of the Middle East Economic association, 2003 to present.
Member of the editorial Board of the Arab Economic journal, the Review of Middle East Economics and Finance.
Member of the Specialized National Councils (National Council on Production), 1998 to present.
Member of the Advisory Committee for the Academy of Scientific Research and Technology, Egypt, 1994-1995.
Member of the Selection Committee for The Middle East Research Competition (MERC), 2006- , and 1989-1991.
Member of the Advisory Committee for The Middle East Research Awards (MEAwards), 1992-1995 and 1983-85.
Secretary of the Societé Egyptienne d’Economie Politique, de Statistique et de Legislation (Cairo), 1975-1979.
Played an active role in initiating and organizing the Egyptian Economists’ Conference, now held annually since 1976.
Professor of Economics Cairo University
(pronounced Abo Al Qassim Al Shabbi, 24. February 1909 – 9 October 1934)
Among the chants and slogans of protesters on the streets of Egypt are the words of an early 20th century Tunisian poet.
The poem has become a rallying cry both in Egypt and in Tunisia.
And among the chants and slogans in those crowds are the words of an early 20th century Tunisian poet named Abdul Qasim al Shabi.
One of his most famous poems has become a rallying cry, both in Egypt and before, in Tunisia. The poem is called “To the Tyrants of the World”
“To the Tyrants of the World”
“Oppressive tyrants, lover of darkness, enemy of life, you have ridiculed the size of the weak people. Your palm is soaked with their blood.
You deformed the magic of existence, and planted the seeds of sorrow in the fields.
Wait, don’t be fooled by the spring, the clearness of the sky or the light of dawn, for on the horizon lies the horror of darkness, rumble of thunder, and blowing of winds.
Beware, for below the ash there is fire, and he who grows thorns reaps wounds. Look there, for I have harvested the heads of mankind and the flowers of hope, and I watered the heart of the earth with blood. I soaked it with tears until it was drunk. The river of blood will sweep you, and the fiery storm will devour you.”
The poem “To the Tyrants of the World,” written by the Tunisian poet Abdul Qasim al Shabi.
In recent weeks, it’s become the unofficial rallying cry for millions of Arabs in Egypt and in Tunisia. Adel Iskandar English translation.
For weeks now, we have watched the revolution unfold in front of our eyes in Tunisia and now Egypt with the chants by the people, in every footage of the mass protests (be it on Youtube or Aljazeera).
The people were also chanting an Arabic poem. It is titled “The Will of Life” by the famous and the tragic poem Abu al-Qasim al-Shabi, the poem was first used in the early colonial uprising against the French and now, almost more than 80 years later, his same words are the flame of revolution in Tunisia and now in Egypt.
Abou-Al-kacem El-chebbi (pronounced Abo Al Qassim Al Shabbi, 24. February 1909 – 9 October 1934) was a Tunisian poet. He is probably best known for writing the final two verses of the current National Anthem of Tunisia, Himat Al Hima (Defenders of the Homeland), that was written originally by the Egyptian poet Mustafa Sadik el-Rafii.
Echebbi was born in Tozeur, Tunisia, on 24 February 1909, the son of a judge. He obtained his attatoui diploma (the equivalent of the baccalauréat) in 1928. In 1930, he obtained a law diploma from the University of Ez-Zitouna. The same year, he married and subsequently had two sons, Mohamed Sadok, who became a colonel in the Tunisian army, and Jelal, who later became an engineer.
He was very interested in modern literature, in particular, translated romantic literature, as well as old Arab literature. His poetic talent manifested itself at an early age and this poetry covered numerous topics, from the description of nature to patriotism. His poems appeared in the most prestigious Tunisian and Middle-Eastern reviews.
His poem To the tyrants of the world became a popular slogan chant during the 2011 Tunisian and subsequently Egyptian demonstrations.
- Ela Toghat Al Alaam (To the tyrants of the world),
- Aghani Al-Hayat (canticles of the life),
- Muzakkarat (Memories),
- Raséil (A collection of letters),
- Sadiki (A collection of seminars given to the Alumni Association of the college; caused quite a lot of controversy among conservative literary groups)
CAMBRIDGE FORECAST GROUP ESSAY:
THE NEW AMERICAN CENTURY VIA PALESTINE
Political economists who want to periodize human events talk about an American century that goes from 1941 to 2008.
The phrase “American Century” is attached to the name of Henry Luce of “Time”, based on his essay by that name.
A cogent analyst of the life cycle of this supposed “American Century”(1941-2008) is Professor Jeffrey Frieden of Harvard.
The analysis, while intelligent, is defective because the transition is not from an American to a Chinese or Asian century, as everyone keeps repeating ad nauseam, but to an American-led Global Century.
In order to lead the world into this Global century, America needs intensive cooperation with non-Europeans and Muslims.
This means that the real way to an American-led Global Century which is neither post-American nor anti-American is via Palestine.
The inability of America to rein in the neocons in Washington and the Israel Right lead by Netanyahu, indicates that American can’t or won’t get past the neocolonial settler project of rightwing Zionism which is in fact calculated to antagonize the entire Muslim world and bring about a “conflict of civilizations.”
Thus Palestine is not “another Belfast” or “another Kashmir” but the indispensable gateway to a kind of American Century II at the head of a sustainable global economy.
CAMBRIGE FORECAST GROUP ESSAY:
THE NEW AMERICAN CENTURY VIA PALESTINE
External Communications Unit
Central Bank of Bahrain (CBB)
September 2010 CBB Newsletter “The Review”
Please find the September 2010 issue of the Central Bank of Bahrain’s (CBB) newsletter, The Review.
We hope to continue receiving your support and if you would like to contribute to The Review, please do not hesitate to contact us.
The next issue of The Review will be the December 2010 edition.
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External Communications Unit
Central Bank of Bahrain (CBB)
September 2010 CBB Newsletter “The Review”
Property prices begin to steady
and other regional Real Estate news
AME Info FZ LLC
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4th October 2010
As Cityscape Global gets under way in Dubai, a number of real estate focused reports find that prices in the emirate are beginning to stabilise in certain locations.
Property prices begin to steady in some parts of Dubai
Prices for apartments and villas are remaining stable in some communities in Dubai, despite continued drops in property prices overall across the emirate, according to a new report by property management company Asteco.
The region’s premier real estate show has a worldwide focus as the 9th edition of this event at the Dubai International Convention & Exhibition Centre is re-branded Cityscape Global. Phil Blizzard reports on Dubai’s key developers Emaar, Damas, Nahkeel and Meydan at the show, alongside exhibitors from across the world.
A global perspective at Dubai real estate show
Cushman & Wakefield unveil regional real estate research report
The Dubai commercial property market continues to favour tenants as commercial landlords across all areas of the emirate are becoming more flexible on rental values, according to the latest report from Cushman and Wakefield Middle East (C&W), part of the world’s largest privately held commercial real estate services firm. Find out more >>
Selective improvement in Mena investor sentiment, reveals Jones Lang LaSalle Survey
The latest Jones Lang LaSalle Real Estate Investor Sentiment Survey reveals that investor sentiment is improving in the Mena real estate market overall while Dubai remains stable. With investors becoming increasingly selective between regional real estate markets, the survey also confirms that they are becoming more focussed on the more populous markets of Saudi Arabia and Egypt.
Find out more >>
UAE real estate shows growth prospects in medium to long term
Chinese and Indian firms see Dubai as best regional business location
Cluttons, the real estate specialist that has enjoyed a dedicated presence in the Middle East since 1976, today issues its UAE market reports for Q3 2010. The findings of the report support the belief that the UAE is still affected by international fiscal uncertainty and market volatility.
Indian and Chinese businesses see Dubai as the leading business centre in the region, but negative perceptions regarding occupancy costs still remain according to a new report, ‘Retreading The Silk Road’, published today by Cushman and Wakefield Middle East (C&W), part of the world’s largest privately held commercial real estate services firm.
Property prices begin to steady and other regional Real Estate news
AME Info FZ LLC
PO Box 502100
Al Thuraya Tower 1, 20th Floor
Dubai Media City
United Arab Emirates
Phone: +971(4)3902700 – Fax: +971(4)3908015
4th October 2010